Faith in politics is on the wane – particularly in social-democratic politics.

The search for reasons for the disastrous defeat of the German social democrats in the September elections, and the poor prospects of parties of the left across Europe, has led to various and detailed explanations. Most of these are right in some respect, but they do not in general add up to a comprehensive picture, especially when you compare the present situation to political conditions only ten years ago: at that time the majority of European citizens had elected governments led by parties standing for social democracy.

What is it that has changed so fundamentally: social and economic reality, attitudes and political preferences of the voters, or the parties themselves? Not surprisingly, it is a bit of everything.

Firstly, the financial and economic crisis has finally made it clear that deregulating governments – whether they do so reluctantly or actively – create favourable conditions for disastrous market failures. At the same time it has also become clear that a strong and capable state is not a relict of past decades, but a prerequisite for functioning markets and stable economic development. The idea of a strong and capable state used to be an important part of social-democratic programmatic thinking – because ‘only the rich can afford to have a poor state’ (Willy Brandt).

Secondly, it would seem self-evident that in a situation of economic insecurity, in which many employees are exposed to the danger of losing their social status, individuals would lean to a growing extent towards more protective political concepts, those that guarantee or at least promise a higher level of social protection. Such concepts were a trademark of social democracy for many decades.

Thirdly, surveys show that attitudes among the population towards the responsibility of the state for social protection have not changed. In Germany researchers have been following this for a number of years. They have found that an increasing majority – now 95 per cent (90 per cent in 2006) – regards the state as being responsible for taking care of old, sick and unemployed people, and of those in severe difficulties. Attributing such responsibilities to families or individuals, or to employers or other organisations, lags far behind. Support for what Germans call the ‘social state’ and others the welfare state is still overwhelming.

Thus it seems that the set of political problems we are facing, the kinds of answers that social democrats give to those kind of problems, and the attitudes of the vast majority of the population – all of these are working in favour of the left’s chances of winning elections. But – since opinion polls and past elections speak a different language – other factors have to be taken into consideration.

Freedom, solidarity and some notion of equality have become the core values of many, maybe most, political parties. The political left is characterised by the firm conviction that freedom and equality do not stand against each other; rather, they are mutually dependant. There can be no free society without a defined level of equality, and vice versa. But practical social-democratic policy has departed from – or at least neglected – this principle. Equality or social justice have become instrumental for the achievement of other, mostly economic, political goals. The assumed causal connection has been proved to be wrong. The credibility gap that has been caused by this violation of fundamental values has become a heavy burden, and is acting as a drag on the political potential of left-wing parties all across Europe. Recent opinion polls in Germany show that only a minority of the voting population believes that voting for a specific political party will bring about any political change. And the SPD is coming last in credibility rankings.

Furthermore, the notion that there is a link between social justice, or a fair society, and the notion of equality – in earlier years a widely recongised link – has been gradually lost. One of the surveys mentioned above shows that, in contrast to the 1990s, only a minority of the population has an approximate idea of what the expression ‘social justice’ stands for.

There is a general lack of confidence about the level of political change parties can achieve. And there is a lack of clarity about the fundamental values that social democrats stand for.

What can be done to overcome those deficiencies?

Obviously there is no fast and easy way. Closing the credibility gap will take time, and needs solid political work on all levels of the society, including the European level. It needs political goals with a sense of proportion, and with an identity derived from and connected to our fundamental values. All this will need lots of discussions, and above all it will require listening and talking to the man and woman in the street.